Saturday, 27 August 2016

Nationalism, State Formation and the Public Sphere: Eritrea 1991 - 1996

Nationalism, State Formation and the Public Sphere: Eritrea 1991 - 1996 by Fouad Mekki,  1996

This article attempts to situate the transition to statehood in Eritrea in the context of its time, culture, and political history. It argues that the transition is profoundly shaped by the international conjuncture within which it unfolds, as well as by the social and political experiences of the nationalist movements. The economic, social, and political aspects of the transition are highlighted with a view to illuminating their overall trajectory and complex dynamics. The establishment of national sovereignty, it is argued, does not entail some unproblematic process of national integration, but only creates a nationally defined public space through which the multifaceted issues of postindependence Eritrea will be contested. State formation is therefore understood as a continuation of the nationmaking process which cannot be reified as a finished project. The article concludes by examining the contradictory but pregnant possibilities for establishing a democratic political and social order

http://www.roape.org/pdf/7002.pdf

Ethiopia-Eritrea: Proxy Wars and Prospects of Peace in the Horn of Africa

Ethiopia-Eritrea: Proxy Wars and Prospects of Peace in the Horn of Africa by Jon Abbink, 2003

https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/9487/ASC_1242160_003.pdf?sequence=1

Post-liberation Politics in Africa: examining the political legacy of struggle



Post-liberation Politics in Africa: examining the political legacy of struggle by SARA RICH DORMAN

This article examines the politics of African states in which insurgencies or liberation movements have taken control of the government. It analyses the impact on governance of reforms introduced by these postliberation regimes, their relations with traditional authorities and civil society and relationships within and between competing guerrilla movements. It interrogates the nature of the state that emerges from this process. The ‘postliberation’ state label is argued to be both meaningful and useful, as part of a larger project of exploring and explaining the post-colonial African state, highlighting debates about representation, citizenship and nation building. While post-liberation regimes have advantages in implementing state building projects, they are also subject to contestation when the new state institutions and regime incumbents become too exclusivist or predatory
---------------

You may need to regidter with Academia.edu to be able to download the articel


http://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/38466276/Post_liberation_politics_pub_version.pdf?

AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJ56TQJRTWSMTNPEA&Expires=1472335587&Signature=HkKmbOZ1adrRxEOsVbMRnSMHmAg%3D&response-content-disposition=inline%3B%20filename%3DPost-liberation_Politics_in_Africa_exami.pdf

The Eritrean War: Issues and Implications by Richard Lobban, 1976

The Eritrean War: Issues and Implications by Richard Lobban, 1976

You may need to register at the: Research.net to be able to download the article

https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Richard_Lobban/publication/254643785_The_Eritrean_War_Issues_and_Implications/links/550cce390cf275261096f6ee.pdf

Issues affecting peaceful development in Eritrea, 1993


Issues affecting peaceful development in Eritrea, 1993, part of the report of the Norwegian Observer Mission on the referendum for independence of Eritrea, by Kjetil Tronvoll

The article correctly predicted that "The referendum demonstrated that internal differences are contained by the euphoria of victory and independence but internal conflicts are bound to sooner or later to come to the fore..."

http://www.mediafire.com/download/d14gp1ht2hews8e/Tronvoll_Issues-affecting-peaceful-development-in-Eritrea_1993.pdf

Thursday, 25 August 2016

ETHIOPIA AND ERITREA: THE QUEST FOR PEACE AND NORMALIZATIONS, a 2008 MSc thesis

ETHIOPIA AND ERITREA: THE QUEST FOR PEACE AND NORMALIZATIONS by Kalewongel Minale Gedamu, a 2008 MSc thesis, University of Tromsø

This thesis, first and fore most, attempts to find out explanations why the overall peace process was not able to bring an end to the conflict in general and to the border incompatibility in particular. Secondly, it attempts to air the silenced views of the local people living along the disputed boundary. By doing so, this thesis argues that the Ethiopian and Eritrean boundary is inhabited by two closely related people and any solution to end the currently prevailing deadlock and resolve the border disagreement needs to be done with the participation and consultation of the local people. Any solution that will be imposed on the local people is likely to face resistance, undermining the sustainability of the peace that could be achieved

http://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/1605/Thesis.pdf

Sunday, 21 August 2016

The details of the Federal Arrangement between Eritrea and Ethiopia الاتحاد الفيدرالي بين أرتريا واثيوبيا وكيفية أخراجه

الاتحاد الفيدرالي بين أرتريا واثيوبيا وكيفية أخراجه

The details of how the Federal Arrangement between Eritrea and Ethiopia was accomplished Dec 50 - Sept 52, in Arabic


History of Eritrea by Osman Saleh Sabbe, in English


History of Eritrea by Osman Saleh Sabbe, in English




http://www.mediafire.com/download/accoo0gaft6ieac/Sabby+history+of+Eritrea+in+English.pdf

Thanks to Omer Abdulgadir Mohamed Ali for sharing

الجبهة الشعبية وممارساتها العدائية ضد المسلمين في أرتريا بقلم محمد السبحاني 1991

الجبهة الشعبية وممارساتها  العدائية ضد المسلمين في أرتريا بقلم محمد السبحاني ١٩٩١

The EPLF and its hostile practices against Muslims in Eritrea by Mohamed Sabahani 1991, in Arabic


http://www.mediafire.com/download/t1c07j608k60ho4/PFDJ+by+Al+Sabahani+1991+atrocities+against.pdf


شكرا لي عمر عبدالقادر محمد علي لتوفيره الكتاب

Wednesday, 17 August 2016

The Eritrean Referendum: Peasant Voices, a 1996 article by Kjetil Tronvoll


The Eritrean Referendum: Peasant Voices, a 1996 article by Kjetil Tronvoll

Any sun that rises to the east,
is our sun.
Any king that sits on our throne,
is our king

A Tigrinya proverb quoted in the article
----------------------------------------

In terms of both the yes percentage (99.8) and the turnout of registered voters (95.8 percent), the referendum held in Eritrea in the spring of 1993 is probably the most affirmative in the history of democracy. The United Nations Mission to Observe and Verify the Referendum in Eritrea (UNOVER), and other observer teams who monitored the operation of the referendum, guaranteed that it was fair, free and impartial. This says nothing, however, about the substance of democracy, about how the referendum was perceived and understood by the participants themselves. Based on fieldwork conducted between 1991 and 1993 in a small village in Segeneiti subprovince in the highland province of Akele-Guzai, the author attempts an 'experience-near' interpretation of the referendum process, describing the peasants' 'backstage' opinion. Of central interest are questions about how people without previous formal democratic traditions relate to a democratic institution such as a referendum, how they interpret the information campaign launched by the central authorities, the Provisional Government of Eritrea, formed by the Eritrean Peoples' Liberation Front (EPLF), and the Referendum Commission, and how they view the technicalities (such as registration and identification) involved in the actual balloting itself. The analysis reveals a discrepancy between the 'intentions' of democracy and the peasants' actual understanding of the options in the referendum and the voting process itself.


Friday, 12 August 2016

نبذة تعريفية : جلال يسن A note on Jelal Yassin in Arabic




نبذة تعريفية :  جلال  يسن





جلال يسن  فى صغره

قصة جلال ليست مجرد سرد موجز لسيرة ذاتية شخصية،وإنما هى رواية  لكفاح  الجبرتة من اجل الحفاظ على عقيدتهم وهويتهم وبحثهم عن المعرفة والعلم . التقيت به لأول مرة قبل عدة سنوات في مقهى "بروفيدانس" في أوسلو، ويعرف هذا المقهى فى اوساط  العديد من الارتريين هناك باسم  مقهى "آلجزائرى" ، لأن  العديد من الجزائريين والمغاربة يرتادونه . كنت جالسا لوحدى عندما انضم  إلي  . كان بعض من أصدقائي  قد حذروني  منه  واخبرونى  انه غير ودي وعدواني ، ولكن من عادتى أنى دائما  افضل ان  اتحدث واستمع إلى الناس قبل ان  احكم عليهم . نقاشنا  قادنا  بسرعة إلى قضية الجبرتة، التي اكتشفت في وقت لاحق ان لديه الكثير من الشغف والاهتمام  بها . استمعت اليه باهتمام ، وتعرفت على الكثير من المعلومات الجديدة بالنسبة لى، وقررت منذ  ذلك  اليوم  معرفة المزيد عن هذه  القضية ، وقد نجح جلال في تغيير بعض المفاهيم الخاطئة التي كان لدي حولها. أعجبت بحججه الفكرية والمنطقية وبصدقه ، وبتسميته للاشياء بمسمياتها والجهر بها بصوت عال. من خلاله ولاهتمامي  الخاص بمعرفة الحقيقة، عرفت المزيد عن الظلم التاريخي الذى تعرض له الجبرتة  على يد الحكام الاحباش. وعلمت الكثير عن مدى تصميمهم الجبار  للحفاظ  على عقيدتهم  في ظل ظروف تحدى عصيبة للغاية، وكذا عن نضالهم من أجل منح أنفسهم ملامح الهوية  التى يريدونها لانفسهم .

قاد هذا اللقاء إلى العديد من التفاعلات والنقاشات الفكرية حول مختلف القضايا .
من الاشياء التى اعجبتنى فيه هو انه كان متواضعا  ولا يحب الظهور . فهو  نادرا ما يتحدث عن نفسه. استغرق منى الأمر وقتا طويلا قبل أن اكتشف أنه كان مقاتلا في الميدان مع تنظيم الجبهة الشعبية  لتحريرارتريا  وأنه  قد اصيب ستة مرات فى المعارك ، وأن الاصابة الاخيرة جعلته  مشلولا تقريبا لأكثر من سنة ، ومن المفارقات انه حدث فى مرات عديدة اثناء المناقشات، في حضوري، ان يتحداه البعض من مؤيدي الحزب الحاكم والذين لم يسهموا بأي شيء في النضال فيقولون له : " ...اصمت ، ماذا تعرف انت عن إرتريا حتى يحق لك ان تنتقد النظام".

علمت سبب تسمية جده  ب "ابرا ". مع ان اسمه الأصلي هو أبرار، لكن والدته (أى والدة جد جلال ) اختارت تغييره إلى "ابرا"  لحمايته من التحول القسري إلى المسيحية ، حيث كان الامبراطور(الاثيوبى )  يوهنس يستخدم القوة لتحويل المسلمين إلى المسيحية. وقد قرأت في كتاب الفه أسقف قبطي مصري أن الكنيسة المصرية القبطية التي كانت تشرف على إدارة الكنيسة الأرثوذكسية الإثيوبية  قد نصحت الامبراطور يوهنس بأن يمتنع عن مثل هذه الممارسات. في أعقاب انتهاء عهد الإرهاب ضد المسلمين الذى كان سائداً خلال فترة حكم الامبراطور يوهنس ، قرر "أبرا“ الحفاظ على  ذلك الاسم  لتذكير الأجيال القادمة  بالمحن  التى كانوا يتعرضون  لها.

والده الراحل (الدكتور يسن ) الذي كان أستاذا بارزا  في علم الاقتصاد في جامعة أسمرة، قتل على يد اجهزة  امن الجبهة الشعبية لتحريرارتريا  في يناير 1991 أمام منزله.  ذنبه الوحيد هو انه دافع عن قضية الجبرتة وسعى للاعتراف  بهم ككيان مستقل .
ربما لا يعرف الكثيرين أن والدة جلال هي من متحدثى لغة التجرى ، ولكن عند معرفة نضال العائلة من اجل الحفاظ على عقيدتهم وهويتهم ، يمكن فهم لماذا  لدى جلال كل هذه العاطفة  القوية  تجاه الجبرتة.

جلال يتحدث عدة لغات. حيث يجيد الإيطالية والعربية والإنجليزية والنرويجية، إلى جانب لغته التجرينية. وهو نسبيا لا يجيد التجرى لغة أمه.  لدى عائلته شغف كبير بالتعليم. جده كان رجل أعمال ناجح  وسافر كثيرا إلى أوروبا لعقد الصفقات التجارية. والده واحد من بين عدد قليل جداً من الإرتريين الذين درسوا علم الاقتصاد في الجامعة الأميركية في بيروت في عام 1948.

 ولد جلال في أسمرا في عام 1957 .وذهب إلى مدرسة تحفيظ القرآن (الخلوة) و روضة أطفال "مايكل أنجلو بوناروتي"، ثم مدرسة "سانت آنا" التمهيدية والابتدائية ، ودرس المرحلة الثانوية في مدرسة "فيتوريو ايمانويل".

بعد حصوله في عام 1984على حق اللجوء في النرويج ، تابع دراسة المرحلة  الثانوية العليا في مدرسة Folkehøgskole  في تيليمارك. ودرس لاحقا عدة كورسات  فى مجال علم الإنسان الاجتماعي " سوشال انثربولوجى "  في جامعة أوسلو.ثم حصل على بكالوريوس في تكنولوجيا المعلومات من جامعة أوسلو/ النرويج. ومن بين أمور أخرى، عمل جلال كفني  وفي وقت لاحق كمسؤول فى مختلف دور السينما في أوسلو كما عمل كمترجم أيضا.

منذ سن مبكرة اظهر جلال اهتماما بالسياسة واصبح ناشطا  فيها. في عام 1972، أى عندما كان فى الخامسة عشر من عمره ، ذهب إلى تسني مع زميليه  مسفن تدلا عقبيت ويوناس أفورقي للانضمام إلى صفوف الكفاح المسلح، ولكنهم  اعتقلوا بالقرب من الحدود السودانية.  تدخل عجيل عبد الرحمن، الذي كان وقتها مسؤولا فى تلك المنطقة، وأفرج عنهم بكفالة. كان عليه أن يعود إلى أسمرا لمتابعة دراسته. في عام 1974 تم تجنيده من قبل الجبهة الشعبية  لتحرير ارتريا حيث اصبح عضواً نشطاً  فيها . وكان يعمل ضمن  إحدى اولى الخلايا السرية التابعة للتنظيم في أسمرا. كانت خليته تضم كل من عبده محمد علي، يوناس أفورقي (Zobino)، سلمون زمكئيل ، وبرهان نور أبرا .  كانت هذه الخلية تقوم بجمع المال، وتوزيع المنشورات وتجنيد أعضاء جدد، واحضار الأدوية التى يحتاجها  التنظيم . وكان من بين من جندهم للانضمام الى الثوار كل  من سراج أحمد  أبرا ، سمئون قبرى دنقل ، زفان أرايا، وجميل محمد علي.

عندما أَعتقل رفيقهم سليمان زمكئيل فى مطلع عام 1975 كان عليهم ترك العاصمة أسمرا والالتحاق بالميدان. وهناك تلقى جلال تدريب عسكري لفترة قصيرة ، وكان اول تعيين  له فى الجيش هو العمل ضمن فصيلة بقيادة إبراهيم عافا. وفي اوقات لاحقة عمل تحت إمرة كتيبة بقيادة ولدنكئيل هيلي ، وكان براخى قبرى سلاسى (وزير الاعلام لاحقا ، وهو معتقل الآن ضمن مجموعة الخمسة عشر ) هو المفوض السياسي لهذه  الكتيبة . كما عمل تحت امرة القائد بتودد ابرها ( ايضا يقبع  فى السجن منذ عام 1991م )الذى كان يقود فصيلة وقتها . خلال تواجده فى الميدان شارك جلال في العديد من المعارك العسكرية ضد الجيش الإثيوبي. وبعد إصابته السادسة التي تركته مشلولا لمدة سنة تقريبا، تم تعيينه فى جهاز الإعلام التابع للجبهة الشعبية، حيث تقلد عدة مناصب من بينها رئيس وحدة الطبع اليدوية ، وشارك فى الدورة التاسعة للكوادر العليا  في مدرسة  الكادر. بعد ذلك تم تعيينه  كممثل لجهاز الاعلام التابع للجبهة الشعبية في مدينة بورتسودان حيث عمل هناك حتى نهاية عام 1983 وبعدها ترك التنظيم .

جلال مثقف  متنوع المعارف. يمكنك أن تناقش معه أي موضوع، بما في ذلك ما يتعلق  بالدين. فهو إلى جانب القرآن، قد حفظ الكتاب المقدس (الانجيل)عن ظهر قلب. ويجادل كثيرا مع المؤمنين المسيحيين ويتحداهم ان يقرأو الآية  رقم كذا  او رقم كذا  فيتفاجئون  كثيرا بذلك . عندما تناقشه حول الكتاب المقدس، تقتنع بأن أولئك الذين يسارعون إلى انتقاد القرآن،  يحتاجون إلى اعادة  قراءة الكتاب المقدس بشكل صحيح، وبفضل جلال قرأت الكتاب المقدس ولدى الآن نسخة منه. لدى جلال مجموعة نادرة من الصور والكتب المتعلقة بإرتريا. وعلى عكس العديد من الآخرين، الذين يحتفظون بمثل هذه الصورلأنفسهم فإنه يشارك مجموعته بالمجان . وقد شاركته  الكثير من هذه الصور والوثائق التاريخية مع بقية الآخرين . أيضا رئسوم كيدانى كان قد شارك فى الحصول على العديد من تلك الصور. الكثير من صوره يتم نشرها في موقع  الجبرتة.كوم.  تضم مجموعة كتبه النادرة بعض الكتب الإيطالية مثل: "دليل الشخصيات البارزة  في إرتريا عام 1952"، وكتاب (باللغة الانجليزية ) لم ينشر بعد للسير كينيدي تريفاسكس بعنوان  "الطوفان.. وجهة نظر شخصية حول نهاية إمبراطورية".باختصار  صداقته وسعت من معرفتى بارتريا والعالم.والامرلا يقتصر على الكتب والصور فقط ، فجلال  لديه مكتبة موسيقية  زاخرة بالموسيقى والاغانى  القديمة والمعاصرة من إرتريا وإثيوبيا والسودان وإيطاليا.

جلال شخص اجتماعي جدا، ويتميز بروح دعابة عالية ولديه طائفة متنوعة من الأصدقاء، حتى من بين المكونات السياسية. وليس من عادته اطلاقا ان يتحدث   وراء المرء ، ولكن يمكن أن يشعر المرء أنه يكون غير لطيفا في قول الحقيقة المجردة. إذا سرت معه في شوارع أوسلو، يقاطعكم الكثير من الأشخاص الذين يودون ان يدردشوا معه،. ويتمتع جلال بذاكرة مبهرة وأنا اندهش في بعض الأحيان حين ينظر جلال إلى بعض الاشخاص ويذكرهم بتفاصيل اشياء فعلوها عندما كانوا صغارا أو يعرفهم باسماء أقارب لهم . وجلال سخي جدا عندما يتعلق الأمر بالمساهمات المالية لأغراض سياسية أو بمساعدة أشخاص محتاجين. المقاتل المخضرم تسفاى تمنو نفسه عبر عن امتنانه  له  لما قدمه له من  دعم في كتابه.

نحن نقابل الكثير من الاشخاص فى حياتنا.البعض منهم يمر ببساطة دون أن يترك  فيك أي أثر، والبعض يترك آثارا ، وآخرون يتركون فينا بصمة انطباعات دائمة ، وجلال بالنسبة لى هو واحد من هؤلاء . أنا أعرف الكثير عن الأنشطة السياسية السرية التى كان قد شارك فيها  ولكن لم يحن الوقت بعد للحديث عنها. ونشاطه السياسي  قد جلب له بعض الأعداء حتى بين بعض أولئك الذين يدعون أنهم من ناشدى العدالة. ومع ذلك،فإن  أمانته وبعد نظره كانا يحميانه دائما ضد التشهير. وقد استطعت من خلاله  ان  اكتب  بعض السطور التعريفية عن قرماى فليبو "ودى فليبو" ، والفنان تولدى ردا  ، ومسفن مارى . أنا أعلم أن جلال يحب دائما  النأى عن الاضواء، ولكن آمل أن يسامحنى  علي كتابة هذه السطور عنه.

وللحقيقة ، إرتريا تزخر بالكثير من قصص امثال  هؤلاء  والتى تنتظر أن يكتب عنها.

محمد خير عمر  


ترجمه للعربية سعيد عبد الحي



Thursday, 11 August 2016

Borders of violence boundaries of identity: demarcating the Eritrean nation-state


Borders of violence boundaries of identity: demarcating the Eritrean nation-state
an article by Kjetil Tronvoll published in Ethnic and Racial Studies Volume 22, Number 6, November 1999 pp. 1037–1060 

This article explores the concepts of borders and boundaries in the formation of an Eritrean national identity.The dialectical relationship between the State of Eritrea and its borders towards the Sudan and Ethiopia are addressed in order to analyse how this relationship infuences the formation of a‘formal’national identity.The cultural,political,religious and historical confgurationof the Eritrean frontiers makes it diffcult to demarcate a particular Eritrean identity,  distinguishing it from Sudanese ethnic and religious identities or historical-politico and ethnic Ethiopian identities.The Eritrean border conficts with the Sudan and Ethiopia are used as empirical cases to show how state violence through the mobilization of the multi-ethnic national army is employed in order to manifest a signifcant other that the ‘formal’ Eritrean national identity may be contrasted against. The article concludes that the Eritrean boundaries of identity and borders of territory are still in the making, and what they will eventually embrace and contain remains to be seen.


http://www.mediafire.com/download/2sm9vxfp5aquocr/Tronvoll_Eritrea_Borders_of_Violence-Boundaries_of_Identity_Ethnic-and-Racial-Studies-1.pdf
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Thanks to Prof. Kjetil Tronvoll for sharing the article

Tuesday, 9 August 2016

Werner Munzinger Pascha An Orientalist and Ethnographer-Turned-Politician in the Ethiopian–Egyptian Borderlands

Werner Munzinger Pascha An Orientalist and Ethnographer-Turned-Politician in the Ethiopian–Egyptian Borderlands by Wolbert G.C. Smidt

Any research history of northeastern Africa, and even any history of social anthropological research across the wider African continent, would be incomplete without discussing the exceptional contribution made by the Swiss ethnographer Werner Munzinger. This son of a prominent family arrived in northern Africa in 1852 to start linguistic and ethnographic research with the aim of making a career as an orientalist. Instead, he settled in Africa, merging deeply into the local cultures, languages and power circles, and never returned. It is probably his ambiguous role as a researcher who later became a leading Egyptian politician that has led to his marginalization in research history.

http://www.ityopis.org/Issues-Extra_files/ityopis-extra-smidt3.pdf
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Being Eritrean in Milan: The Constitution of Identity


"Being Eritrean in Milan: The Constitution of Identity", A thesis submitted in fulfilment of a Doctor of Philosophy in Social Anthropology and Migration Studies, University of Sussex, By Anna Arnone, 2010

Abstract:
The research concerns the Eritrean community resident in Milan where it originated around forty years ago. In this thesis I reflect on how people who migrated from Eritrea at different times, and young people who were born from Eritrean parents in Milan, perceive themselves as a community away from their native country; how they perceive the differences and similarities between each other and those considered to be outside this community; and how the memories of the past are perceived by people with different personal and social histories. Since this research relates to the formation of identities and perceptions of the self among a migrant community, issues are analysed with the awareness that movement, dislocation, and re-location have great impact on the perceptions of home and of the self in cultural, historical and social terms.


http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/2489/1/Arnone%2C_Anna.pdf

Monday, 8 August 2016

Eritrean opposition parties and civic organisations, a 2015 article

Eritrean opposition parties and civic organisations, a 2015 article by Abdulkader Saleh MohammadKjetil Tronvoll, 19 January 2015

This expert analysis explores the roots of the friction among exiled Eritrean opposition parties and civic organisations. It gives a short overview over the recent political history and social composition of Eritrea, which are reflected in the current political fragmentation of the country’s diaspora. It describes the split between the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) during the armed struggle due to divided regional and ethnic loyalties, which shaped the political landscape after independence, resulting in the EPLF (renamed the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice, or PFDJ, in 1994) becoming the only party allowed in the country. A political crisis occurred in the aftermath of the Eritrean-Ethiopian war (1998-2000), when President Isaias Afewerki cracked down on PFDJ reformists and started to militarise Eritrean society. Consequently, new opposition parties and civic organisations emerged in the diaspora – alongside old political fronts – with the aim of replacing the autocratic regime with a democratic system. Among these new organisations are PFDJ dissidents, youth organisations and forums for dialogue. Attempts to bring the various competing parties under one political umbrella have been mostly unsuccessful and no consensus has been reached regarding a roadmap for democratic transition. The Eritrean political opposition is still affected by the historically inherited fault lines causing regional, ethnic and religious differences, which exacerbate the lack of mutual trust among current opposition activists.

http://www.mediafire.com/download/unx8woycxjlk60p/Abdulkader_Tronvoll_Eritrean+political+opposition_Noref_2015.pdf

Or:

http://www.peacebuilding.no/Regions/Africa/Publications/Eritrean-opposition-parties-and-civic-organisations

Sunday, 7 August 2016

Education in the Italian colonies during the interwar period

Education in the Italian colonies during the interwar period, 
Pretelli, Matteo. (2011) Education in the Italian colonies during the interwar period. Modern Italy, Vol.16 (No.3). pp. 275-293.

Abstract:
Fascism saw education as a key way to ‘make Italians’ both at home and in itscolonies. Schools for Italians and for the indigenous population in Africa were akey part of this project. These educational institutions were set up, partly, toconvince young Italians of their role as colonisers and bearers of an idea of ‘Italian civilisation’. A small minority of Africans, who were permitted to attendschools created for a section of the local population, were given an education thatwas designed to reinforce their role as inferior and as targets for an idea of asuperior ‘Italian civilisation’. This article will analyse the role of the schools set upin the colonies both for Italians and for the local population, as well as their useof politics, propaganda and their educational techniques. The article looks atcontinuities and breaks with the pre-Fascist period, as well as the radicalisation of racist educational policies after the proclamation of the empire.


Scholarship on Italian colonialism has made various contributions regarding the role of education in Italy’s overseas possessions prior to the outbreak of the Second World War.An early study by Roland De Marco (1943) was undertaken before this conflict had evenconcluded. It was not until the 1970s, however, that Richard Pankhurst wrote aboutItalian textbooks in Africa (1970) and completed the first study of Italian education inEast Africa after the Italo-Ethiopian conflict (1972). In the same decade, Leonard AlbanAppleton (1979) examined education in Libya under Italian rule. Thereafter, a number of both Italian and other scholars, such as Negash (1987), Martelli (1989), Ciampi (1996),and Smith-Simonsen (1997), contributed to a deeper understanding of Italian colonialeducation in Africa.Since 2000, various work has addressed the issue of the educational experience underItalian rule of both Libya (al-Tahir al-Jarari 2000; Cresti 2001; Galoppini 2001, 107–08; DiPasquale 2007) and Eritrea (Negash 2005, 109–20; Ventura 2007). Before then, this hadremained a peripheral topic within accounts of Italian colonialism (Del Boca 1992, 227,240; Labanca 1993, 253–54; 1996, 270), perhaps due to the absence of sufficientdocumentation (Ventura 2007, 5).


Labanca has included an account of the educationalsystem within his comprehensive account of Italian colonial history (2002, 334–37, 525).Several studies have focused on how Africa was portrayed in school textbooks and otherpublications for young people resident in Italy (Franco 1994; Labanca 2000a, 2003b;Finaldi 2003; Asioli 2004a, 2004b; Bottoni 2006, 2008)

In Eritrea, in 1939 there were 152 teachers, 86 instructor priests, and
21 Eritrean assistants. There were 107 classes recorded. In the school year 1934–1935, there was one scuola media (enrolling 91 students) and seven primary schools (46 classes and 1010 students). 
There were 123 classes. recorded. In the school year 1934–1935, there were six schools with 44 classes and 1985 students. 1793 were in the capital Asmara 

http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=10052067
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You may need to register at academia.edu to downoad the article

https://www.academia.edu/Education_in_the_Italian_colonies_during_the_interwar_period

The history of Italian schools in Asmara

ITALIAN SCHOOLS IN ASMARA


The first schools were those of the catholic missionaries, but in 1902 were officially created by the Italian government the first two elementary schools in Italian Eritrea, with two teachers from Italy: the first and main in Asmara and the second in Cheren. During colonial times most of the students were Italians, but after WW2 the number of Eritrean students has increased: in 1956 they were 17% of the students (while the Italians were 83%), while in 2015 they were nearly all. 

The highest-level institution was the Italian Lyceum "Ferdinando Martini" in Eritrea's capital, that was founded in 1926 and in 1935 was named "Liceo Scientifico" (while in 1937 the name was changed to "Liceo Classico") with nearly all the students coming from the Italian community of Asmara: it was returned to be a scientific Lyceum only in 1956, when nearly half of the students were Eritreans. Actually (2014) there are 330 students: 85% are Eritreans and 13% are from other countries, while just a few are italians.

http://researchomnia.blogspot.no/2016/04/italian-schools-in-asmara-after.html

A concise history of Eritrea



A concise history of Eritrea, by PLF, in Arabic:

http://www.mediafire.com/download/dnpn42goq8lbx2g/Short+History+of+Eritrea_PLF+Arabic.pdf

Thanks to Omer Abdulgadir Mohamed Ali for sharing

The paradoxes of state-led transnationalism capturing continuity, change and rupture in Eritrea

THE PARADOXES OF STATE-LED TRANSNATIONALISM: CAPTURING CONTINUITY, CHANGE AND RUPTURE IN THE ERITREAN TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL FIELD, a 2012 MSc thesis by SAMIA TECLE

Component One: The Paradoxes of Remittances in the Eritrean Transnational Party-State: (Re)visiting Citizenship and Governance in the Diaspora

Component Two: Generation Beles: Culture, Politics and Intra-Generational Conflict in „Model Eritrea

http://yorkspace.library.yorku.ca/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10315/20831/Samia%20Tecle.pdf?sequence=1

Saturday, 6 August 2016

The construction of Inter-racial sexuality in colonial Eritrea


The construction of Inter-racial sexuality in colonial Eritrea (1890 - 1941) by Barbara Sorgoni, 1997

http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:460919/FULLTEXT01.pdf

Mussolini’s colonial race laws and state–settler relations in Africa Orientale Italiana


Mussolini’s colonial race laws and state–settler relations in Africa Orientale Italiana (1935–41)

Why in Mussolini's empire were relations between colonizers and colonized regulated by the government in Rome? The reason is not to be sought in the supposed tendency of Italians to fraternize with Africans but rather in the totalitarian nature of the regime and the rapidity with which the empire was populated. In a few years tens of thousands of Italians emigrated to Africa Orientale Italiana (AOI); the informal elaboration of common standards of behaviour on the part of colonists towards the local population would have required time while Mussolini intended to forge the empire following a strict hierarchy of racial relations.
By and large, Italians were in agreement with their government over the subordination of the colonized, but they disagreed with the forms that such subordination should assume. Many Italians violated the race laws; but mixing with Africans did not necessarily mean being on friendly terms with them. A significant minority of Italians went to AOI with the intention of making rapid and easy profits: they had no intention of settling permanently and were intolerant of any rules, including those aimed at racial segregation. Thus a clash developed between these Italians, who were not interested in long-term colonial projects, and the government which was determined to impose its own model of colonial order.

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09585170320000113770

You may need to register with Academia.edu to download the article:

https://www.academia.edu/2195638/Mussolinis_colonial_race_laws_and_state-settler_relations_in_Africa_Orientale_Italiana_1935-41_

Romodan Mohamed Nur, Secretary General of the EPLF, speech in 1986


The speech given by Romodan Mohamed Nur, the then Secretary General of the EPLF, in 1986, on the 25th anniversary of the Eritrean armed struggle, in Arabic

http://www.mediafire.com/download/7awvty56y50rpvn/Romodan+M+Nur+Speech+Sec+Gen+1986.pdf

Thanks to Omer Abdulgadir Mohamed Ali for sharing

The political tradition in the EPLF and TPLF and its connection with the Ethio-Eritrean conflict


The political tradition in the EPLF and TPLF and its connection with the Ethio-Eritrean conflict, a 2001 article

http://avalon.unomaha.edu/itwsjr/ThirdXII/SishagneGuerrilasGovtVol12.pdf

Friday, 5 August 2016

علاقات السودان بإثيوبيا عبر التأريخ بقلم عثمان صالح سبى The relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia



علاقات السودان بإثيوبيا عبر التأريخ بقلم عثمان صالح سبى

The historic relations between the Sudan and Ethiopia by Osman saleh Sabbe, in Arabic

http://www.mediafire.com/download/vvbborfunwjk9e3/Sabe+-Eth+and+Sudan+Relations.pdf

Thanks to Omer Abdulgadir Mohamed Ali for sharing

Thursday, 4 August 2016

Resilient Teens: Social exclusion of parents and impact on the second generation Eritrean youth

RESILIENT TEENS: SOCIAL EXCLUSION OF PARENTS AND IMPACT ON THE SECOND GENERATION ERITREAN YOUTH by Fatma Hassan, Honours B.A., University of Toronto, 2006

You can download the Master of Arts thesis here:

http://digital.library.ryerson.ca/islandora/object/RULA:677

مجموعة أناشيد ثورية ارترية Eritrean Revolutionary poems in Arabic

مجموعة أناشيد ثورية ارترية لأحمد سعد، أحمد داير، محمد محمود الشيخ، محمد عثمان كجراي، ياسين جعفر
Eritrean Revolutionary poems in Arabic



http://www.mediafire.com/download/8b2z9b780hcuzgm/Eritrean+Rev.+poems_16+Arabic.pdf


شكرا لي عمر عبدالقادر محمد علي لتوفيره الكتاب

Wednesday, 3 August 2016

Eritrea: Towards Unity in Diversity, Minority Rights Group International Report 1997

Eritrea: Towards Unity in Diversity, Minority Rights Group International Report 1997

http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.636.6934&rep=rep1&type=pdf

The Question of Structural Violence on the Saho people of Eritrea, MSc thesis 2015

The Question of Structural Violence on the Saho people of Eritrea, in spite of their important role during the Eritrean Struggle for Independence, a 2015 MSc thesis by Romodan Abdellah Esmail, University of Tromsø, Norway

http://munin.uit.no/bitstream/handle/10037/8284/thesis.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y

Eritrea: administration, ethnography and gender in the scripts of Alberto Pollera

An Italian officer in colonial Eritrea: administration, ethnography and gender in the scripts of Alberto Pollera  

Alberto Pollera was born in December 1873 in Lucca (Tuscany) to an upper-class family. After finishing high school at the Military Academy of Modena in 1893, he volunteered for military service in the newly founded colony named Eritrea, where he arrived in 1894, and spent the rest of his life there interrupted only by four short ‘home’ leaves. In this regard, his experience is exceptional in that very few Italians actually settled in the colony until the 1930s. He participated in various military actions until 1903, when he joined the civil colonial administration and was appointed first residente (commissioner)5 of the Gash Setit area, in the south-western lowlands. Pollera lived in Barentu for six years, with his partner Unesc Araia Capte - a young woman from Axum, Ethiopia, whom he had met during his military service in northern Eritrea - and their two sons. In 1909 he was appointed commissioner of the Seraye region in the Eritrean highlands, and rented a house in Asmara for Unesc and their sons, so that the children could attend the catholic missionary school
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One may need to register with Academia.edu to download the article:


http://s3.amazonaws.com/academia.edu.documents/38262518/Sorgoni-ManchesterUP.pdf?AWSAccessKeyId=AKIAJ56TQJRTWSMTNPEA&Expires=1470254526&Signature=4QjzaxKNNV%2BbsC80noOUgqwa0f8%3D&response-content-disposition=inline%3B%20filename%3DAn_Italian_officer_in_colonial_Eritrea_a.pdf

OBSERVATIONS ON KUNAMA TONE

OBSERVATIONS ON KUNAMA TONE, (Barka Dialect) a 2000 article by Bruce A. Connell and Richard J. Hayward

Kunama has been reported by different scholars as having two or three tones, downstep (or not), contrastive length of both consonants and vowels, and lexical stress. Despite this range of reported phenomena, little in-depth research into the prosodic system of Kunama has been undertaken. The aim of the present study is to report such a detailed investigation and to establish on a solid footing basic aspects of the tonal system of Kunama. The work reported is preliminary in the sense that its scope is limited: we present phonological and phonetic evidence for the existence of three level tones, which can combine to form a number of contour tones. This is followed by discussion of tonal phenomena in the noun phrase. No evidence for lexical stress is found.

http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/elanguage/sal/article/download/1340/1340-2132-1-PB.pdf

An updated collection of Tigrait songs in Arabic and Latin scripts

An updated collection of  traditional and modern Tigrait songs in Arabic and Latin scripts with some English translations

http://www.mediafire.com/download/frfikee11b2dmtg/Tigraiat_songs_+updated+Omer+Abdulgadir.pdf
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Thanks to Omer Abdulgadir Mohamed Ali for the collection